Venezuela's President Nicolas Maduro places his hand over his hear while talking to high-ranking officers during a military ceremony on his inauguration day for a third term, in Caracas, Venezuela, Jan. 10, 2025. (AP Photo/Ariana Cubillos, File)2026-01-04T19:42:04Z MIAMI (AP) When deposed Venezuelan leader Nicols Maduro makes his first appearance in New York courtroom Monday to face U.S. drug charges, he will likely follow the path taken by another Latin American strongman toppled by U.S. forces: Panamas Manuel Noriega.Maduro was captured Saturday, 36 years to the day after Noriega was removed by American forces. And as was the case with the Panamanian leader, lawyers for Maduro are expected to contest the legality of his arrest, arguing that he is immune from prosecution as a sovereign head of foreign state, which is a bedrock principle of international and U.S. law. That argument is unlikely to succeed and was largely settled as a matter of law in Noriegas trial, legal experts said. Trumps ordering of the operation in Venezuela raises its own constitutional concerns because it was not authorized by Congress, now that Maduro is in the United States. But American courts are to allow Maduros prosecution to proceed because, like Noriega in Panama, the U.S. government does not recognize him as Venezuelas legitimate leader. Theres no claim to sovereign immunity if we dont recognize him as head of state, said Dick Gregorie, a retired federal prosecutor who indicted Noriega and later went on to investigate corruption inside Maduros government. Several U.S. administrations, both Republican and Democrat, have called his election fraudulent and withheld U.S. recognition. Sadly, for Maduro, it means hes stuck with it. Noriega died in 2017 after nearly three decades in prison, first in the U.S., then France and finally Panama. In his first trial, his lawyers argued that his arrest as a result of a U.S. invasion was so shocking to the conscience that it rendered the governments case an illegal violation of his due process rights. Justice Department opinion allows forcible abductions abroadIn ordering Noriegas removal, the White House relied on a 1989 legal opinion by then-Assistant Attorney General Bill Barr, issued six months before the invasion. That opinion said the U.N. Charters prohibition on the use of force in international relations does not prohibit the U.S. from carrying out forcible abductions abroad to enforce domestic laws.Supreme Court decisions dating to the 1800s also have upheld Americas jurisdiction to prosecute foreigners regardless of whether their presence in the United States was lawfully secured.Barrs opinion is likely to feature in Maduros prosecution as well, experts said.Drawing parallels to the Noriega case, Barr on Sunday pushed aside criticisms that the U.S. was pursuing a change of government in Venezuela instead of enforcing domestic laws. As attorney general during the first Trump administration, Barr oversaw Maduros indictment.Going after them and dismantling them inherently involves regime change, Barr said in a Fox News Sunday interview. The object here is not just to get Maduro. We indicted a whole slew of his lieutenants. Its to clean that place out of this criminal organization. Key differences between Noriega and Maduro in courtThere are differences between the two cases. Noriega never held the title of president during his six-year de facto rule, leaving a string of puppets to fill that role. By contrast, Maduro claims to have won a popular mandate three times. Although the results of his 2024 reelection are disputed, a number of governments China, Russia and Egypt among them recognized his victory.Before you ever get to guilt or innocence, there are serious questions about whether a U.S. court can proceed at all, said David Oscar Markus, a defense lawyer in Miami who has handled several high-profile criminal cases, including some involving Venezuela. Maduro has a much stronger sovereign immunity defense than did Noriega, who was not actually the sitting president of Panama at the time.For U.S. courts, however, the only opinion that matters is that of the State Department, which considers Maduro a fugitive and has for months been offering a $50 million reward for his arrest. The first Trump administration closed the U.S. Embassy in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, and broke diplomatic relations with Maduros government in 2019 after he cruised to reelection by outlawing most rival candidates. The administration then recognized the opposition head of the National Assembly as the countrys legitimate leader. The Biden administration mostly stuck to that policy, allowing an opposition-appointed board to run Citgo, a subsidiary of Venezuelas state-owned oil company, even as the U.S. engaged in direct talks with Maduros government that were aimed at paving the way for free elections. Courts are so deferential to the executive in matters of foreign policy, that I find it difficult for the judiciary to engage in this sort of hairsplitting, said Clark Neily, a senior vice president for criminal justice at the Cato Institute in Washington. US sanctions are a hurdle for Maduros defenseAnother challenge that Maduro faces is hiring a lawyer. He and his wife, Cilia Flores, who also was captured, have been under U.S. sanctions for years, making it illegal for any American to take money from them without first securing a license from the Treasury Department. The government in Caracas now led by Maduros vice president, Delcy Rodrguez, may want to foot the bill, but it is similarly restricted from doing business in the United States.The U.S. has indicted other foreign leaders on corruption and drug trafficking charges while in office. Among the most noteworthy is Juan Orlando Hernndez, former president of Honduras, who was convicted in 2024 for drug trafficking and weapons charges and sentenced to 45 years in prison.Trump pardoned Hernndez in November, a move that drew criticism from even some Republicans who viewed it as undercutting the White Houses aggressive counternarcotics strategy centered against Maduro.The U.S. had requested Hernndezs extradition from Honduras a few weeks after he left office. After the arrest of Noriega, who had been a CIA asset before becoming a drug-running dictator, the Justice Department implemented a new policy requiring the attorney general to personally sign off on charging of any sitting foreign president, due to its implications for U.S. foreign policy.Maduro may have a slightly stronger argument that he is entitled to a more limited form of immunity for official acts as at least a de facto leader, because such authority would not turn on whether he is a recognized head of state by the U.S.But even that defense faces significant challenges, said Curtis Bradley, a University of Chicago Law School professor who previously served as a counselor of international law at the State Department.The indictment unsealed Saturday accuses Maduro and five other co-defendants, including Flores and his lawmaker son, of facilitating the shipment of thousands of tons of cocaine into the U.S. by providing law enforcement cover, logistical support and partnering with some of the most violent and prolific drug traffickers and narco-terrorists in the world.The government will argue that running a big narco-trafficking operation ... should not count as an official act, Bradley said.___Tucker reported from Washington JOSHUA GOODMAN Goodman is a Miami-based investigative reporter who writes about the intersection of crime, corruption, drug trafficking and politics in Latin America. He previously spent two decades reporting from South America. twitter mailto ERIC TUCKER Tucker covers national security in Washington for The Associated Press, with a focus on the FBI and Justice Department. twitter mailto RSShttps://feedx.net https://feedx.site